Tag Archives: business of cannabis

Inside New York’s Cannabis Rollout: What’s Working, What’s Not

By Pam Chmiel
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A panel discussion at the recent Business of Cannabis event in NYC analyzed the serious issues still facing the industry rollout in New York. What has been touted as a social equity-first initiative has been riddled with significant challenges and lawsuits.

To date, the Office of Cannabis Management has awarded 56% of licenses to those who paid for the war on drugs. While this is the most any state has done to be fair, the road to success is still a long way off.

Panelist Ethan Nadelmann, Founder of the Drug Policy Alliance, called New York the epicenter of racial inequity, where young men of color were overwhelmingly arrested on marijuana charges. Even though it has been a rocky rollout, and New York was a laughing stock for a couple of years, he praised the accomplishment so far and reminded everyone that it wasn’t too long ago that the notion that people who have a marijuana conviction should even be allowed to get licensed was inconceivable. “So the kind of 180 on that, where people who actually have a conviction are in the head of the line, is a remarkable breakthrough development,” he said.

Nadelmann posed the questions: What will all of this look like 5 or 10 years from now? What percent will still be equity licenses? To what extent are just a small number of people benefiting from this equity thing? Will we see the continuing equity? Will it be meaningful? Were there better ways that equity might have been done? Should the OCM be given a time limit to accomplish its goals, similar to other industries?

 

The True Party of Interest Debate

The conversation then turned to one of the biggest sticking points in the state’s rollout — the True Party of Interest (TPI) rules, which determine who can invest and own across different parts of the supply chain.

Attorney David Feldman explained that while the rules were originally designed to prevent “Big Cannabis” from dominating the market, they’re now creating unintended barriers for small operators. “They’re actually hurting small businesses,” he said, noting that restrictions prevent multi-state operators and out-of-state investors from putting capital into New York dispensaries if they own cultivation or processing assets elsewhere. “Small businesses need access to experienced investors and operators to survive, and right now, they can’t raise that capital.”

Simone Washington, Head of Equity at the Office of Cannabis Management, defended the policy’s intent, emphasizing that the agency’s Trade Practices Bureau was established to monitor ownership and ensure the market remains rooted in equity. “We hear the concerns,” she said, “but we must protect the spirit of the MRTA and make sure this market primarily benefits people harmed by past drug laws.”

Nadelmann added that other states have found a more balanced approach. In Connecticut, for example, larger operators can hold minority stakes in equity businesses — a model he called a “net positive” that brings both capital and expertise. He also cautioned that the industry must prepare for broader shifts ahead. “If federal legalization comes — and it might — many of these restrictions could vanish overnight. We need to be ready for what a national market could mean.”

 

A Call for Unity

If the TPI debate highlighted how regulatory complexity is stifling opportunity, the next topic revealed an equally daunting challenge: the lack of unity across the industry itself. Despite sharing common goals, operators, activists, and policymakers often find themselves working at odds with one another — sometimes in court.

Moderator Sam Reisman noted that despite common ground under the pro-legalization umbrella, competing interests have fragmented the movement. Advocacy groups, equity operators, and businesses have pursued separate agendas, occasionally securing injunctions that slowed the entire rollout.

Ethan Nadelmann acknowledged feeling “deeply conflicted” as both a reform advocate and a board member of a multi-state operator, but emphasized that industry and activism have more in common than they think. “We all want intelligent regulation,” he said. “Bad regulation helps no one.” He praised collaborations like the Last Prisoner Project, which unites both sides to address lingering injustices from the War on Drugs.

Simone Washington called for more open communication, noting that “people are very siloed” and rarely come together to identify shared objectives.

Attorney David Feldman agreed, pointing out that the industry’s fragmented advocacy sends mixed signals to lawmakers. “What we need is a single, strong trade organization that represents all sides under one coherent vision,” he said.

 

The Double-Edged Sword of Federal Rescheduling

As talk of federal rescheduling continues to swirl, panelists debated what moving cannabis from Schedule I to Schedule III could mean for New York’s developing market. Moderator Sam Reisman noted that while the proposal has stalled, its potential ripple effects could be profound.

Attorney David Feldman outlined three major outcomes. First, eliminating IRS code 280E would allow cannabis operators to deduct ordinary business expenses for the first time — a “game changer” that could lower effective tax rates from as high as 80% to something sustainable. Second, rescheduling would open the door to expanded research, long hindered under Schedule I restrictions. And third, Feldman said, it could enable the FDA to establish a federally recognized medical cannabis framework without new legislation. That, in turn, could pave the way for interstate commerce, trademarks, and institutional investment.

But not everyone was optimistic. Simone Washington expressed concern that rescheduling could jeopardize New York’s equity commitments. “This administration has shown it’s anti-equity,” she said. “If the federal government takes control, the businesses will swallow the market, and the equity operators will be pushed out.”

Ethan Nadelmann echoed her caution, adding that full federal legalization — depending on how it unfolds — could also accelerate consolidation. “When you open the door to interstate commerce, it’s not just the MSOs,” he warned. “It’s Big Alcohol, Big Tobacco, and Big Consumer Goods that come rushing in. That could wipe out the small operators entirely.”

 

Fixing the Fallout from Proximity Rules

Among the most contentious issues now facing New York’s cannabis rollout is the recent reinterpretation of the state’s proximity rules, which prohibit dispensaries from operating too close to schools and places of worship. The abrupt regulatory change has left several operators — who had already secured leases and invested heavily in buildouts — suddenly out of compliance, sparking calls for legislative amendments to the MRTA.

Simone Washington acknowledged the strain the new guidance has created. “We require people to have locations before they can even apply for a license, and that’s causing a lot of friction,” she said. With downstate real estate scarce and landlords taking advantage of operators desperate for compliant spaces, Washington said the Office of Cannabis Management is exploring ways to introduce lease protections and other structural reforms to prevent further exploitation. “It’s not necessarily about changing the MRTA itself,” she added, “but it does mean looking at solutions from a legislative standpoint.”

Attorney David Feldman called for more sweeping reforms. “The proximity rules need to be relaxed so more people can actually participate,” he said, also urging limits on local zoning powers that have allowed some municipalities, particularly on Long Island, to obstruct the state’s authority. Feldman argued that New York should rethink restrictions on ownership caps as well. “If someone builds one successful dispensary, why can’t they have four or five? No one tells Starbucks they can only open three locations in New York City.”

Ethan Nadelmann took a broader view, arguing that New York needs to learn from other states rather than repeating their mistakes. “I’d love to see New York take the lead in bringing together the most thoughtful stakeholders from both the industry and regulatory sides to really assess what’s worked and what hasn’t around the country,” he said. He also warned that regulators must be proactive in addressing the growing overlap between the hemp and cannabis sectors. “This hemp thing is a massive knuckleball coming into the industry,” he said. “One way or another, the two are going to merge — whether through drinks, flower, or something else. New York should be ahead of the curve instead of just reacting.”

Drug Policy Alliance Founder Fires Up The Audience At The Business of Cannabis Event

By Pam Chmiel
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The highlight of the Business of Cannabis event, held at the Wythe Hotel in Williamsburg, a hip neighborhood in Brooklyn, New York, was the keynote speaker. Ethan Nadelmann, founder of the Drug Policy Alliance, has since retired from his position but continues to mentor and serve on the board of Green Thumb Industries. He kicked off the afternoon panels with a fiery address that had the audience cheering him on.

 

“I’m guessing the vast majority of you have no idea who I am. Simplest way to say it is, I’m your fucking daddy, and you don’t even know.”

 

The crowd erupted with laughter as Nadelmann launched into a passionate reflection on his three decades leading the fight to end marijuana prohibition. He reminded the room that before there was an industry, there was a movement built on outrage, principle, and justice.

He recounted how, in 1996, he helped lead the campaign that made California the first state to legalize medical marijuana, and later founded the Drug Policy Alliance to fight the broader drug war and reframe addiction as a health issue rather than a criminal one.

 

“I didn’t do this for the industry,” he said. “I did it because I was pissed off—pissed that people were being arrested, discriminated against, lied to, and locked up for smoking a plant.”

 

He explained that the legalization movement was not driven by corporate interests but by philanthropists and activists from across the political spectrum who believed Prohibition was unjust. “From 1996 to 2016,” he said, “the role of industry in funding reform was almost zero.”

Nadelmann reflected on how unimaginable today’s market once seemed. In the 1980s, only 23 percent of Americans supported legalization. Dispensaries were not even a concept when he began organizing. “We knew marijuana had legitimate medical value,” he said, “but we had no idea how incredibly diverse this could become.”

Turning to the present, he noted that “half the country is now legal,” citing Virginia’s recent progress and growing optimism in Florida and Pennsylvania. “I know most of you focus on New York and New Jersey,” he added, “but I’m a big-picture guy.”

He warned that unresolved federal issues could reshape the industry overnight, particularly the ongoing debate around intoxicating hemp products. “Do we know what’s going to happen with the Farm Bill and that loophole? Will the whole thing be turned upside down? And if they close the Farm Bill loophole and allow the hemp beverages, will they actually enforce it?”

Nadelmann questioned whether hemp and cannabis markets might inevitably merge, given that THC from hemp and cannabis is virtually indistinguishable. “In blind tests, people cannot tell the difference between cannabis products and the hemp THC stuff,” he said. “From a health perspective, when they’re properly regulated, there is no difference. Doesn’t it seem inevitable that the markets are just going to eventually merge?”

He also raised concerns about price compression, competition, and the potential for market consolidation. “Is New York going to become like Michigan? Are we going to see a race to the bottom in terms of price?” he asked, noting that while the illicit market may eventually decline in a well-regulated system, its persistence continues to complicate state programs.

Reflecting on broader economic trends, Nadelmann wondered whether national legalization would lead to massive consolidation or a revival of small operators. He compared cannabis to other industries that evolved over time. “When I moved back to New York 30 years ago, there were hundreds of small coffee shops until Starbucks came along and wiped them out. Now there are more single-owner coffee shops than there were before. The same thing happened with alcohol after Prohibition—large corporations took over, then decades later, we saw the rise of microbreweries and craft distilleries. So we don’t really know how this plays out.”

When asked if legalization was truly “locked in,” Nadelmann cautioned against complacency. “We don’t have to worry about rollback, right? I don’t know,” he said. “Support for legalization peaked two years ago. A couple of polls show Republican support dropping 10 to 14 points just in the last year and a half. Some organizations are already trying to reverse ballot initiatives in states like Massachusetts. If they succeed, that affects the national picture. What happens in New York or Massachusetts matters everywhere.”

He warned that despite the industry’s success, public perception remains fragile. “We know cannabis is a psychoactive substance. We all know people who use it too much or who shouldn’t be using it. We don’t want kids waking and baking. We got lucky that teenage use stayed constant after legalization, but if those numbers start to rise, never underestimate the ability of this country to do something really stupid when it comes to drugs.”

Drawing on history, he reminded the audience that the United States was the only nation to impose a constitutional amendment banning alcohol. “That’s how stupid we were,” he said. “This country can do stupid stuff over and over again, and it’s therefore incumbent upon people in this industry to be smart about how we proceed.”

Still, he offered reasons for optimism, citing growing evidence that cannabis may substitute for opioids in pain management and that cannabis beverages appear to be replacing alcohol for some consumers, which he called a net public health benefit.

 

But he urged balance and responsibility. “We know more people are using cannabis daily. For many, that’s fine, but for some, it’s not. You talk to psychiatrists, and they’ll tell you they’re seeing more young people with cannabis use disorder. You can’t ignore that,” he said.

 

As he closed, Nadelmann widened his focus to the broader “psychedelic renaissance,” calling it one of the most exciting social and scientific movements of the past few decades. He drew parallels between today’s psychedelic reform efforts and the early days of marijuana legalization, with states like Colorado and Oregon already leading through therapeutic programs. He predicted a multi-billion-dollar medicinal psychedelics industry on the horizon. He suggested that pharmaceutical companies—once obstacles to cannabis reform—could now play a positive role in legitimizing plant-based medicines.

 

“They may, in fact, be playing a helpful role,” he said, “because as they figure out which components of the cannabis plant are truly medicinal, they’ll help to legitimize cannabis as something positive.”

 

He then challenged the audience to think even bigger: “Are we going to become a society that allows people to use the substances they want to alter their state of consciousness without being punished, and regulate it in a smart way? Or are we going to find ourselves rolling back suddenly?”

Nadelmann likened the cannabis movement to the fight for marriage equality—two social revolutions that seemed impossible a generation ago but are now broadly accepted.

“These things were inconceivable 40 years ago, and they now seem locked in,” he said. “But they’re not totally locked in. We have to pay attention.”